Barbara Toby Stack's FSM Pages

FSM Influencers

FSM Arrestees. See full list here

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under construction and in no particular order

"Never trust anyone over thirty," said Jack Weinberg.
What they said; not what they did, I say.

The elders included Bill Mandel on the Executive Committee, Socialist historian Hal Draper, Howard Jeter of the Democratic Party, psychiatrist Neal Blumenfeld, attorney and activist Ann Ginger, pacifist Ira Sandperl, firebrand Brad Cleaveland, Women for Peace activists Alice Hamburg and Madeline Duckles, Vivian Hallinan, Jessica Mitford, singer and activist Barbara Dane, and clergy including Rev. James Fisher, Walter Herbert, and Hillel Rabbi Joseph Gumbiner. Attorneys Bob Treuhaft and Peter Franck, Marilyn Noble, Moe Moscowitz, Burton White, and many more. --Barbara Toby Stack

Bill Mandel

December 4, 1964: Jack Weinberg in discussion with Bill Mandel.
Howard Harawitz photo, used with permission.

FSM Executive Committee Meeting by an anonymous photographer, possibly Michael Rossman

William Mandel, Saying No To Power, p. 394

Decades later Jack [Weinberg] told me that he had invented the slogan, “Don’t trust anyone over thirty,”—which became one of the hallmarks of the ’60s nationwide—specifically against me. He had nothing against me personally, but wanted to counter the allegation that they were being manipulated by older people, particularly of Communist persuasion.

Women for Peace

Alice Hamburg, Madeline Duckles, and possibly Decca Treuhaft

November 9, 1964: L to R: Mary Hughes, Deborah Bartlett, Suzi Evalenko.
Howard Harawitz photo, used with permission

December, 1964: Patti Iiyama, also a member of ExCom, at Women for Peace Table: Ron Hecker photo.

Hal Draper

member FSM Executive Committee, author BERKELEY: The New Student Revolt
October 1, 1964: Hal Draper in stocking feet atop police car. Ron Enfield photo. Used with permission.

Barbara Toby Stack boldings
Date: 1/25/2004

Dear All:

I don't know why, but let me reply.

I recall no small committee with Draper and Mandel as members. The only important small committee leading the FSM I recall was the SC. If some such "shadow cabinet" existed, it certainly eluded me.

Draper, as I recall it, had a more-or-less hands-off approach to FSM. He generously provided advice to me and to others when we sought it; and he he was willing to speak and to act at our request. However, I don't recall him attending FSM  Ex Com or S Com meetings. (Maybe it happened once or twice, but it certainly was no pattern.)

Even within the Independent Socialist Club (ISC), Draper did not usually play an active role in ISC's day-to-day FSM-related discussions. Here too, he was more of a senior advisor, available for advice and help. But he left this leadeship role to student members of ISC like Mike Parker, Joel Geir and others.

Finally, on the question of how FSM tapped into the collective experiences of previous left movements from the 1930's, etc.

My recollection was that the major contribution here came from certain graduate students who -- while they were not old enough to have personally experienced those earlier movements -- were well versed in those traditions, and helped to serve as a transmission link. The name that most comes to my mind was Bob Kaufman. But there were many.

Draper helped me to understand the agreement that ended the police car event as something we should interpret as FSM having been granted formal recognition as a bargaining agent. This, to me, was a critically important lesson that shaped how I subsequently behaved. It was a lesson with roots in the experiences of union organizing campaigns of the 30's onward, experiences that at the time, I knew little about.

In other matters as well, Draper helped with FSM's intellectual understanding. His speech and pamphlet: "The Mind of Clark Kerr," I believe, was a critical intellectual contribution in the formation of what I would consider to have been the "FSM mindset."

I provide these examples to suggest that Draper's contribution was not organizational. I suspect he actually conisdered himself more as a supporter of FSM than as a "member." His contribution was intellectual and advisory. But, it was also, I believe, most critically important.

jack [Weinberg]
used here with Jack's permission

Workers' Liberty
9 February, 2008

The free-speech fight that shaped the New Left
by Tom Unterrainerty

* Hal Draper — a prominent third camp socialist — was a librarian at UC Berkeley at the time. The FSM amended their slogan “Trust no one over thirty” to include “…except Hal Draper” in recognition of his continuous advice, solidarity and support.

Brad Cleaveland


10/2/1964: R117F11 FSM photo by Tom Kuykendall: Brad Cleaveland, Art Goldberg, Burton Whte

11/17/2011,, Occupy Oakland Protests Regroup at Berkeley, Jason Motlagh

"The resurgence in Berkeley is a shot in the arm for Occupy movements across the country. The break up of Occupy Wall Street on Tuesday was accompanied by similar actions in Seattle and an ancillary camp in San Francisco, on the heels of other raids in Portland, Oregon, Salt Lake City, Denver and Oakland. Authorities cited concerns about sanitation, drugs and crime to justify police actions. But in Berkeley, heavy-handed police conduct (and an abundance of cameras) appear to have backfired, much as it did in Oakland on Oct. 25 when an Iraq War veteran was seriously injured by police. Last week, police used batons to disband a student rally against tuition hikes and budget cuts. Video of the incident went viral on the Internet, galvanizing sympathy for the campaign. (Read 'Occupy Oakland: After Second Police Raid, Protest Ends with a Whimper.') ¶ Indeed, the Tuesday rally stretched from the columns of Sproul Hall, a touchstone of the Free Speech Movement, to rooftops surrounding the plaza out front. Students stood shoulder to shoulder with nostalgic veterans of the 60s-era protests, and counterparts from Oakland, many of whom had marched about five miles from the cleared City Hall plaza to show their support. 'You can raid a camp, but not a movement,' says Luke, 22, a displaced Oakland camper, moments before a speech by former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich calling on students to take a moral stand against the hyper-wealthy. The rally culminated in a vote on whether to set up tents in defiance of a university order; it passed unanimously. ¶ 'This is overpowering for me; it's a movement I helped start,' says Bradford Cleaveland, 80, a long-time activist and former graduate student who offered encouragement to students. He shared a black-and-white picture of him on the steps of Sproul Hall next to Mario Savio, the late student leader famous for his 'put your bodies upon the gears' address, to establish his bona fides. 'It's the same, but better, because it's more difficult to do this kind of thing now -- there's so much fear.'"

Ira Sandperl

Title: Joan Baez on Sproul Hall steps. Ira Sandperl on right. Creator/Contributor: Free Speech Movement Date: Dec. 2, 1964 Identifier: UARC PIC 24B:1:18 Collection: Free Speech Movement Photographs Collection, Contributing Institution: UC Berkeley, University Archives

Barbara Toby Stack boldings
We Shall Overcome Steve Weissman, 2012; Why the 1% Love "Anarchist Violence", Steve Weissman, 6/11/2011

Joan Baez was having second thoughts. The popular folksinger had promised to come to Berkeley to take part in our Free Speech Movement sit-in the following day, December 2, 1964. But, the evening before show time, her mentor Ira Sandperl rang. As a member of the FSM steering committee, I took the call. “Would we commit ourselves to remain strictly nonviolent?” asked Ira, a Gandhi scholar who had marched for civil rights with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

“No,” I replied. “We can't.”

My bluntness surprised us both, but Joanie was stepping on our toes. FSM was an irritatingly democratic and anti-authoritarian movement and we would make our own decisions. Nor did we need any pacifist noodging. Most of us were fighting for the right to use free speech on campus to organize nonviolent civil disobedience against racial discrimination and other ills, primarily in neighboring Oakland and San Francisco. As diplomatically as I could, I reminded Ira that we were a broad coalition of groups, from revolutionary socialists to Goldwater Republicans, and I could hardly speak for them all. But, I told him, at our last meeting, we had voted overwhelmingly to use non-violent tactics to occupy Berkeley’s administration building, Sproul Hall.

A great soul with a superb sense of whimsy, Ira heard what he needed to hear. Joan came the following day, sang beautifully, and had her say. “Muster up as much love as you possibly can, and as little hatred and as little violence, and as little ‘angries’ as you can – although I know it's been exasperating,” she told us. “The more love you can feel, the more chance there is for it to be a success.” With those words, nearly 2,000 of us marched into Sproul Hall, and Time magazine named Baez “the Joan of Arc of the Free Speech Movement.”[i]

By contrast, our own Mario Savio had already launched us onto a less loving path. “There is a time,” he declared, “when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart, that you can't take part; you can't even passively take part, and you've got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus and you've got to make it stop.”[ii]

My own take differed from both. While a graduate student in Ann Arbor in the early 1960s, I had taken part in nonviolent demonstrations, but had given little serious thought to Gandhian ideas until one night at the home of Tom Hayden, one of the founders of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). A group of us were sitting in his basement discussing the civil rights movement in the South, when an earnest young woman asked in all seriousness, “Would it be nonviolent if I pushed away an attacking police dog?” I did not know whether to laugh or cry, and I felt the same about Joan's nonviolent faith. As a secular Jew who had grown up in the shadow of the Holocaust, I could not see how getting rid of my “angries” would have stopped Hitler. Nor was it going to dissuade university administrators who had just initiated disciplinary measures against Mario and three others. As for Mario's truly eloquent cry of anguish, most of us in the graduate student leadership saw the Sproul Hall sit-in less as an expression of existential outrage and more as a trigger for further escalation. We expected the authorities to react by bringing outside police onto campus, as they did, and we had prepared to respond with a student strike that our graduate teaching assistants would lead. The strike, we hoped, would shut down the university, force the faculty to get off their backsides, and give us a famous victory for free speech, which is how it all turned out.

From soul force to human obstruction to political jujitsu, these different approaches to nonviolence appealed to individual activists in varying degrees. But, as a group, we came to a post-Gandhian mix and match, never codified except in practice. We barely gave it a name, except perhaps for “tactical nonviolence,” which is what I called a free university course that I later gave at Stanford. By hit or miss, we combined FSM’s tactical brilliance with the strategic bent of the graduate students. We transformed Joan’s call for love into a pragmatic openness toward potential antagonists, whether Christian evangelists, football cheerleaders, or even the police. And, far more consequential than most observers have realized, we followed Mario’s lead in rejecting for all time the conservatizing Socratic call to uphold the state’s authority by willingly accepting punishment for any laws we might break. Goodbye bitter hemlock, catch us if you can.[iii]

Our thinking continued to evolve as we used our hard-won freedom on campus to launch nonviolent demonstrations against the rapidly escalating war in Southeast Asia. Students on other campuses did the same, as university administrators across the country gave new freedom to speech, in part out of fear that our example would spread. Those were heady days. Our Berkeley contingent stopped troop trains and held marches that brought dramatic confrontations with the Oakland Police and chain-wielding Hells Angels whom the cops encouraged to attack us. All the way we remained irritatingly democratic and transparent, used peaceful negotiations and the intercession of poet Allen Ginsberg to dissuade the Hells Angels, tried our best to give individual participants control over how much risk they wanted to take, and used our nonviolent direct action only against those on the Dark Side, never on their behalf.

Bob & Decca Treuhaft

Oral History, Transcribed by the Berkeley Oral History Project of the Berkeley Historical Society

Barbara Toby Stack boldings
10/9/1995, Albion Monitor, The Making of a Muckraker, Decca Mitford and Bob Treuhaft

...Bob was the lawyer defending the Berkeley students during the free speech movement...

Bob Treuhaft: I was here at home with my wife playing Scrabble around ten o'clock at night. The phone call came and it was [Mario] Savio saying that the Steering Committee wants to meet me. "They're sitting in there, and there's 700 of us ... we want you to come. They're letting people out but they're not letting anybody in; but they'll let you in." So I went right over. I told my wife I'll be back in an hour or so...

And so, around towards midnight, we did get word through the walkie-talkie that the police were coming. Now in the building, when I learned that things were becoming tense, I was told that the students would be sitting-in on the two upper floors of the building. None would be on the main floor. They expected the police to come in on the main floor and I would be stationed down there to meet them...

There were two other people on the main floor -- one of them was Ed Meese and another one was Lowell Jensen. Lowell Jensen is now a federal judge; Ed Meese and he were deputy district attorneys, deputies of Frank Coakley, who was the extremely reactionary right-wing District Attorney who had held that office for about sixteen years. I knew Jensen fairly well, having tried a murder case against him, in which he was prosecutor. I didn't know Meese at all because Meese wasn't in court very much. Meese spent most of his time in Sacramento as a lobbyist for the Police Officers' Association, and the D.A.'s Association, trying to get tougher legislation. The joke used to be that he was trying to get the Legislature to prescribe the dealth penalty for posession of mari juana...

Well, when I learned that the police were coming, there was nothing more for me to do. I was expecting them to come through the front door, but they didn't -- they went up from the basement, bypassing the main floor. I started to leave the building the same way I entered, the side entrance. Just as I got to the entrance, which was next to the press room, I saw the sheriff of the county, Sheriff Madigan, reading a statement to the press. There were about a dozen reporters in there. I was anxious to hear that statement, so I stopped and listened, and he was telling about how the governor had authorized the police to come in to maintain order.

And at that point I heard Meese come up from behind, and he said, "Sheriff, there's somebody here who is not a member of the press." So I turned around and said, "Well, that makes three of us." The sheriff didn't think it was funny, and he sort of pushed me into the arms of a cop who grabbed me and handcuffed me from behind ... I heard the sheriff say to Meese, who was still behind me, "Should we arrest him?" And Meese said, "Yes." I was the first person arrested.

I went to Santa Rita [jail] with the first batch, which included Mario Savio and other important people. They refused to let me be released on my own recognizance as I expected, and I was treated just like any of the other prisoners. I was charged in the same way. As a matter of fact, when I got to Santa RIta I was put in a solitary cell with about three others. And for some reason, they took my shoes off, maybe fearing that I would try to kill myself with my shoelaces of something like that. [Laughs] Well, anyway, I was in there until...around ten o'clock the next morning. Decca: When the call came from Mario Savio, we were playing Scrabble and Bob had just put a "Q" down. I don't know if you play Scrabble, but a Q is very rare and it was also on a triple-word score. Bob went down thinking he'd be only an hour, then calls later to say he'd been arrested by Ed Meese.

Before he came home the next morning, I removed the Q from the board...He never expressly stated forgiveness for removal of the Q. Some things are beyond forgiveness, I fear.

 The Making of a Muckraker by Jessica Mitford

December 3, 1964, Santa Rita
L to R: Marilyn Noble discusses bail issues with Bob Treuhaft while SF Chronicle reporter Carolyn Anspacher reports.
Ron Enfield photo.  Used with permission.

Howard Jeter

Howard Jeter photographed by Howad Harawitz
November 9, 1964: (frame 27_RT1) FSM Howard Jeter et al.
Howard Harawitz photo, used with permission.

November 23, 1964: (frame 038)
Howard Harawitz photo, used with permission.

October 1984: FSM 20th Annversary Commemoration: Michael Rossman photo

Civil Rights Digital Library
Howard Jeter was born in Atlantic City, New Jersey in 1917. After moving to California Jeter spent most of his adult years championing civil rights and advocating fair housing. Though not a student at University of California, Berkeley, Jeter became involved in the school's historic Free Speech Movement during the 1960s. He died in April 2007 at the age of 89.

2007 04-19: Oakland Tribune Obituary

2007 04-23: Daily Cal Obituary

By Howard Jeter

Howard often about the FSM, often as a member of the Seventh Congressional Democratic Club

1965 circa: University of California Regents Reform Now!!!




Max Martin
pseudonym to honor the wishes of members of his family, and protect their privacy

Bettina F. Aptheker, Intimate Politics: How I Grew Up Red, Fought for Free Speech and Became A Feminist Rebel (Seal Press, 2006; New York: Perseus Books)

This is a very short excerpt from the memoir that contains two extensive chapters on the Free Speech Movement. Cited with permission of the author.

pp139-140: "Meanwhile, Max wanted to act as a sort of 'special advisor,' in his capacity as chair of the Communist Party of Northern California. He and I met regularly and surreptitiously--'[f]or security reasons,' as Max put it. The abuse had ended by then. Max and I met in the bleachers of a deserted ballpark in Oakland. He insisted on this location, although it seemed to me that we stood out to an absurd degree. He expressed none of the doubts and hesitations of those in my party club. He said nothing about recruiting or advancing the party. Instead, he urged strategies that would build and sustain the broadest possible support for the FSM, both on and off campus. What he emphasized to me was how much power the regents, the governor, and the police had, and how much support we would need to defeat them."


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